President McKinley's message to Congress was read on Tuesday, December 5. The document dealt with many matters of vital interest to the country. It was largely historical and reviewed with great fulness the operations of the several departments of the government. The President's recommendations are generally considered as outlining the policy of the administration in the next great political campaign.

We make the following excerpts from the message: —

To the Senate and House of Representatives: — The fifth-sixth Congress convenes in its first regular session with the country in a condition of unusual prosperity, of universal good-will among the people at home and in relations of peace and friendship with every government of the world. Our foreign commerce has shown great increase in volume and value. The combined imports and exports for the year are the largest ever shown by a single year in all our history.

NATIONAL BANKING ACT.

Increased activity in industry, with its welcome attendant — a larger employment for labor at higher wages — gives to the body people a larger power to absorb the circulating medium.

The attention of Congress is respectfully invited to this important matter, with a view of ascertaining whether or not such reasonable modifications can be made in the national banking act as will render its service, in the particulars here referred to, more responsive to the people's needs. I again urge that national banks be authorized to organize with a capital of $25,000.

FOR THE GOLD STANDARD.

I urgently recommend that, to support the existing gold standard, and to maintain "the parity in value of the coins of the two metals (gold and silver) and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the market and in the payment of debts," the secretary of the treasury be given additional power and charged with the duty to sell United States bonds, and to employ such other effective means as may be necessary to these ends.

RESTRAINT OF TRUSTS.

Combinations of capital organized into trusts to control the conditions of trade among our citizens, to stifle competition, limit production, and determine the prices of products used and consumed by the people, are justly provoking public discussion, and should early claim the attention of the Congress. The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure no part of it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have the studied deliberation of the congress, resulting in wise and judicious action.

ISTHMIAN CANAL SCHEME.

June 10 a commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was organized under the terms of the act approved March 3, 1899, for the purpose of examining the American Isthmus with a view to determining the most practicable and feasible route for a ship canal across that Isthmus, with its probable cost, and other essential details.

The great importance of this work cannot be too often or too strongly pressed upon the attention of the Congress. In my message of a year ago I expressed my views of the necessity of a canal which would link the two great oceans, to which I again invite your consideration. The reasons then presented for early action are even stronger now.

THE PARIS EXPOSITION.

Preparations for the representation of the industries, arts, and products of the United States at the World's Exposition, to be held in Paris next year, continue on an elaborate and comprehensive scale, thanks to the generous appropriation provided by Congress and to the friendly interest the French government has shown in furthering a typical exhibit of American progress.

I am informed by our commissioner-general that we shall have in the American sections at Paris over seven thousand exhibitors from every state in our country, a number ten times as great as those which were represented at Vienna in 1873, six times as many as those in Paris in 1878, and four times as many as those who exhibited in Paris in 1889. This statement does not include the exhibits from either Cuba, Porto Rico, or Hawaii, for which arrangements have been made.

SOUTH AFRICIAN WAR.

This government has maintained an attitude of neutrality in the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer states of Africa. We have remained faithful to the precept of avoiding entangling alliances as to affairs not of a direct concern. Had circumstances suggested that the parties to the quarrel would have welcomed any kindly expression of the hope of the American people that war might be averted, good offices would have been gladly tendered. The United States representative at Pretoria was early instructed to see that all netural American interests be respected by the combatants. This has been an easy task in view of the positive declarations of both British and Boer authorities that the personal and property rights of our citizens should be observed.

OUR PROMISE TO CUBA.

The withdrawal of the authority of Spain from the island of Cuba was effected by January I, so that the full re-establishment of peace found the relinquished territory held by us in trust for the inhabitants, maintaining, under the direction of the executive, such government and control therein as should conserve public order, restore the productive conditions of peace so long disturbed by the instability and disorder which prevailed for the greater part of the preceding three decades, and bulid up that tranquil development of the dosmestic state whereby alone can be realized the high purpose.

This nation has assumed before the world a grave responsibility for the future good government of Cuba. We have accepted a trust, the fulfilment of which calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exercise of the highest wisdom.

AS TO THE PHILIPPINES.

The future government of the rests with the Congress of the United States. Few graver responsibilities have ever been confided to us. If we accept them in a spirit worthy of our race and our traditions, a great opportunity comes with them. The islands lie under the shelter of our flag. They are ours. by every title of law and equity.

The suggestion has been made that we could renounce our authority over the islands, and, giving them independence, could retain a protectorate over them.

This proposition will not be found, I am sure, worthy of your serious attention. Such an arrangement would involve at the outset a cruel breach of faith. It would place the peaceable and loyal majority, who ask nothing better than to accept our authority, at the mercy of the minority of armed insurgents. It would make us responsible for the acts of the insurgent leaders and give us no power to control them. It would charge us with the task of protecting them against each other and defending them against any foreign power with which they chose to quarrel. In short, it would take from the Congress of the United States the power of declaring war and vest that tremendous prerogative in the Tagal leader of the hour.

It does not seem desirable that I should recommend at this time a specific and final form of government for these islands. When peace shall be restored it will be the duty of Congress to construct a plan of government which shall establish and maintain freedom and order and peace in the Philippines. The insurrection is still existing, and when it terminates further information will be required as to the actual condition of affairs before inaugurating a permanent scheme of civil government.

No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated by war and by long years of misgovernment.

We shall not wait for the end of strife to begin the beneficent work. We shall continue, as we have begun, to open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, and in every way in our power to make these people, whom Providence has brought within our jurisdiction, feel that it is their liberty, and not our power, their welfare, and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance.

Our flag has never waved over any community but in blessing.

I believe the Filipinos will soon recognize the fact that it has not lost its gift of benediction in its world-wide journey to their shores.

GREAT OPPORTUNITIES OF CONGRESS.

Presented to this Congress are great opportunities. With them come great responsibilities. The power confided to us increase the weight of our obligations to the people, and we must be profoundly sensible of them as we contemplate the new and grave problems which confront us. Aiming only at the public good, we cannot err. A right interpretation of the people's will and of duty cannot fail to insure wise measures for the welfare of islands, which have come under the authority of the United States and inure to the common interest and lasting honor of our country. Never has this nation had more abundant cause than during the past year for thankfulness to God for manifold blessings and mercies, for which we make reverent acknowledgment. William McKinley.
Executive Mansion, December 5, 1899.

"A science," says Edward Payson, "which divorces man's activities and his religious nature may well be styled the dismal science."